By Alejandro de la Fuente
After thirty years of anticolonial fight opposed to Spain and 4 years of army profession by means of the U.S., Cuba officially grew to become an self sustaining republic in 1902. The nationalist coalition that fought for Cuba's freedom, a circulate within which blacks and mulattoes have been good represented, had estimated an egalitarian and inclusive country--a kingdom for all, as Jos? Mart? defined it. yet did the Cuban republic, and later the Cuban revolution, dwell as much as those expectancies? Tracing the formation and reformulation of nationalist ideologies, executive guidelines, and assorted different types of social and political mobilization in republican and postrevolutionary Cuba, Alejandro de l. a. Fuente explores the possibilities and obstacles that Afro-Cubans skilled in such parts as activity entry, schooling, and political illustration. tough assumptions of either underlying racism and racial democracy, he contends that racism and antiracism coexisted inside Cuban nationalism and, in flip, Cuban society. This coexistence has persevered to today, regardless of major efforts through the progressive executive to enhance the lot of the bad and construct a country that used to be actually for all.
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Additional resources for A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Envisioning Cuba)
And because racial barriers hardened along with the desirability and prestige ascribed to professional jobs—the higher and better-paid an occupa14 : introduction tion, the whiter—the black middle class became the most visible target of racial discrimination. In response, Afro-Cuban professionals created their own exclusive societies and fought against exclusion from the closed social spaces of the white bourgeoisie. In turn, race was only one of many factors a√ecting the lives of the black and mulatto manual workers.
These racist acts were frequently presented as a national shame, for they exposed the inconsistencies of Latin American racial fraternities, so central to nationalist pride. Thus when three hotels in Caracas refused accommodation to African American singer Robert Todd Duncan in 1945, authorities reacted by passing legislation that outlawed discrimination in all public services. In Brazil, the widely publicized refusal of a hotel to host African American dancer Katherine Dunham resulted in the approval of the Afonso Farinos Law of 1951, which declared illegal all forms of discrimination in jobs and public spaces.
Su√rage was no longer at stake; su√rage had been truly universal since 1934, when women obtained the right to vote. Rather, discussions centered on the state’s role in combating racial discrimination and other forms of social injustice. The Communists envisioned an activist state that would actively pursue racial equality and condemn racist behavior, but others remained committed to a vague notion of racial fraternity in which government intervention was neither necessary nor convenient. As with many other issues discussed in the convention, the result was a compromise.
A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Envisioning Cuba) by Alejandro de la Fuente