By Doug Linder, A.E. Dick Howard, William Allen, Carl F. Kaestle, Rudolph J.R. Peritz, Mark Rose
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In the critics’ view, the Anti-Trust Act, in spite of its afﬁrmation by the Court, did not reverse the trend toward industrial concentration and, with it, the increasing consolidation of economic and political power that had originally moved Congress to act in 1890. Yet since the1970s, in spite of the enormous authority and prestige of corporations in American life, the Justice Department and the Federal Trade Commission in both Republican and Democratic administrations have accepted their statutory responsibility to review all large mergers and often insisted on changes to reduce their anti-competitive effects.
The mere existence of such a combination and the power acquired by the holding company as its trustee, constitute a menace to, and a restraint upon, that freedom of commerce which Congress intended to recognize and protect, and which the public is entitled to have protected. If such combination be not destroyed, all the advantages that would naturally come to the public under the operation of the general laws of competition ... will be lost. Even as the Sherman Act played out in the railroad industry, Rockefeller’s Standard Oil Trust continued to wage a relentless assault on the petroleum industry.
Government and by the courts to curb Companies began to engage more freely corporate monopolies. in research that competes fundamentally with Microsoft technology. Indeed, Microsoft has rehe dialectic of concentration versus competition cently embarked on a new course of patent cross-licenscontinues, even as it mutates into new forms. It ing that is a radical departure from its history of sharp should come as no surprise that our own time of dramatic competition. S. federal government play in regulating the commerce of the Information Age.
Historians on America by Doug Linder, A.E. Dick Howard, William Allen, Carl F. Kaestle, Rudolph J.R. Peritz, Mark Rose